Sick Burn!

[up in smoke]

Also up in smoke, it appears: past promises about relative spending restraint. Cato asks, dispassionately: How Does the Congressional Government Spending Deal Measure Up?.

Whoever thought that the May 2023 debt limit deal settled debates over topline government funding levels for fiscal year (FY) 2024 was clearly mistaken. Now four months into FY2024, Congress has reportedly struck a deal to determine how much the US federal government will spend on defense and non‐​defense appropriations, which account for roughly one‐​third of the federal budget that’s subject to annual debate.

In the big picture, House Speaker Mike Johnson (R‑LA) is finding himself between the same rock and a hard place that his predecessor did. House Republicans do not have the option of passing a funding deal without Democratic support in the Senate, necessitating negotiations that require a give‐​and‐​take approach that will leave much to be desired for both sides of the political aisle.

The January 2024 funding deal bakes in higher government spending levels, with modest restraints from capping the use of budget gimmicks and holding the line on new emergency spending. On the flip side, this deal continues business as usual, relying on budget gimmicks and emergency designations to pad topline spending, while falling short of cutting spending back to pre‐​pandemic levels or holding the line on limiting spending to no more than fiscal year 2023’s levels.

Jonah Goldberg has advice for dissatisfied GOPers: If Republicans Want a Better Budget Deal, They Need to Win More Elections.

The House Freedom Caucus is largely right about debt and deficits. Some members might be staggering hypocrites given that they had little problem with Donald Trump’s spending when he was president. But they’re right that the budget deal worked out between Speaker Mike Johnson and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer is a middle finger to the forces that orchestrated the ouster of former Speaker Kevin McCarthy.

The primary stated reason McCarthy had to go—over the objections of 96 percent of the GOP conference—was that McCarthy agreed to a budget deal that relied on Democratic votes and exceeded spending caps agreed to earlier. The Johnson-Schumer deal, which would prevent a looming government shutdown if enacted, pretty much does the same thing.

Outraged, the House Freedom Caucus condemned the deal: “Republicans promised millions of voters that we would fight to change the status quo and it is long past time to deliver.” The deal, they declared, is a “fiscal calamity.”

And they’re right.

But all of that is beside the point. …

Because see the headline.

By all means, Congresscritters, vote against the deal if you want. Just stop wasting everyone's time with internecine spats that accomplish (as we've seen) nothing.

Also of note:

  • Consumer note. Alex Tabarrok has some good news about Power Dishwashers!.

    Why do today’s dishwashers typically take more than 2 hours to run through a normal cycle when less than a hour was common in the past? The reason is absurd energy and water “conservation” rules. These rules, imposed on dish and clothes washers, have made these products perform worse than in the past, cleaning less well or much more slowly. One of the best things that the Trump administration did (other than Operation Warp Speed, of course) was creating a product class–superwashers!–that cleaned in under an hour and were not subject to energy and water conservation standards. The Biden administration reversed these rules but the 5th circuit just ruled that the reversal was “arbitrary and capricious.”

    The ruling found that people shifted to handwashing rather than put up with lousy performance from a dishwasher. Which winds up using a lot more water and energy.

  • Soft targets galore in California. Jacob Sullum has another epic-length headline on his syndicated column: Gavin Newsom Defies the Supreme Court's 'Very Bad Ruling' on the Right to Bear Arms: California Made Carry Permits Easier to Obtain but Nearly Impossible to Use. I almost don't need to excerpt, but I will anyway:

    California Gov. Gavin Newsom thinks the Constitution should be amended to accommodate the gun regulations he favors. But in the meantime, he is trying out a different strategy: If we ignore the Second Amendment, maybe it will go away.

    In 2022, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the right to carry guns in public for self-defense, saying states could not require residents to demonstrate a "special need" before allowing them to exercise that right. Newsom responded to what he called a "very bad ruling" by backing a new law that makes carry permits easier to obtain but nearly impossible to use.

    Senate Bill 2 bans guns from 26 categories of "sensitive places," including parks, playgrounds, zoos, libraries, museums, banks, hospitals, houses of worship, public transportation, stadiums, athletic facilities, casinos, bars, and restaurants that serve alcohol. The list also covers any "privately owned commercial establishment that is open to the public" unless the owner "clearly and conspicuously posts a sign at the entrance" saying guns are allowed.

    I predict massive civil disobedience.

  • Activism and journalism go together like politics and religion. Jesse Singal has a long and interesting take on Platformer’s Reporting On Substack’s Supposed “Nazi Problem” Is Shoddy And Misleading.

    As some of you know, there’s presently a debate raging about the fact that Substack will not automatically ban Nazis who pop up on this platform. That’s because Substack’s content guidelines are written in an intentionally liberal way, to allow most speech. One of the only red lines is direct, credible incitement of violence — racism alone, including of the Nazi variety, doesn’t qualify.

    These content guidelines aren’t new, but the present controversy has led to an open letter republished on many individual Substacks, calling on Substack to crack down on Nazis, a counter–open letter calling on them to maintain their laissez-faire approach to moderation, and a bunch of folks leaving or threatening to leave the platform.

    The whole thing was sparked by a November article in The Atlantic by Jonathan M. Katz headlined “Substack Has a Nazi Problem,” and by Substack co-founder Hamish McKenzie’s response post, in which he confirmed that no, Substack would not be banning or demonetizing Nazi content that didn’t cross the aforementioned red line. In my view, this whole thing is little more than a moral panic. Moreover, Katz cut certain corners to obscure the fact that to the extent there are Nazis on Substack at all, it appears they have almost no following or influence, and make almost no money. In one case, for example, Katz falsely claimed that a white nationalist was making a comfortable living writing on Substack, but even the most cursory bit of research would have revealed that that is completely false.

    And there's much, much more. The phrase "obscuring key information" is deployed.

  • No, it's pinin' for the fjords. At Reason, Dan Drezner asks: Is the 'Washington Consensus' of Neoliberalism and Globalization Over?.

    Back in the day, columnists for the Financial Times were of a type. They were predominantly pale, male, Oxbridge-educated world travelers. Their politics ranged from centrist to libertarian right. Most importantly, they were fans of neoliberalism.

    The term neoliberal has been stigmatized far more successfully than it has been defined. For our purposes, it refers to a set of policy ideas that became strongly associated with the so-called Washington Consensus: a mix of deregulation, trade liberalization, and macroeconomic prudence that the United States encouraged countries across the globe to embrace. These policies contributed to the hyperglobalization that defined the post–Cold War era from the fall of the Berlin Wall to Brexit.

    Neoliberalism was embraced by policy makers from both major parties. For free market Republicans, neoliberalism meant scaling back barriers that stunted market efficiency. For moderate Democrats, it was viewed as a set of policies that could lift the poorest of the poor out of poverty. What united those across the political spectrum was the belief that neoliberalism fostered greater economic interdependence, which could, in turn, generate global peace and prosperity. After all, why would China ever go to war with the West if it could get rich by trading with it instead?

    DD's bottom line: "Post-neoliberals are having a moment. If it continues for too long, the result could be a less productive, less resilient, more warlike economy."


Last Modified 2024-01-15 4:43 AM EDT